Impact of the promulgation of female vote on the political role of Argentine women in 1947
Yo. SOURCE IDENTIFICATION AND EVALUATION:
The main objective of this this investigation is to answer the following question: to what extent the promulgation of the 1947 female vote impacted the political role of Argentine women? To do this, the impact that Peronism in Argentine society specifically in the political sphere of women and the role it fulfilled will be analyzed. The period that will be analyzed will be the year 1947, during Peronism, the rise season of the same political current. For the development of this research, secondary sources, such as digital documents, which will be key to the development of this work will be used as information resources, which will be key to the development of this work.
Source I: Law 13.010 "Political rights of women". President Juan Domingo Perón (September 23, 1947). Buenos Aires, Argentina.
The first source is of primary origin, this law was approved by the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies of the Argentine Nation, during the presidency of the Peronist leader Juan Domingo Perón. The source shows seven articles that are part of Law 13.010, described in detail, which are intended to improve the political role of women. For this reason this source is of importance in the development of research, because we can carry out an analysis and extract relevant aspects and contributions.
Source II: Article “The change in the role of women in Argentine society from obtaining the female vote” Fuster, J. (2000). Warsovia, Poland: lyrics-urguay, Latin space.
This second source is of secondary origin, written by the researcher and teacher José Fuster, is a website in which information is presented regarding the changes in the role of Argentine women during the twentieth century. The purpose of the publication is to inform and give a synthematic contribution on the history of women in Argentina. In addition to showing direct information with my research topic.
However, it is a page with limitations in its content, because it provides Argentine historical information that covers different seasons, which does not allow a deep analysis with respect to the central theme of this research.
II. Research
Peronism began its day on October 17, 1945, date of the resurrection of Peronist leader Juan Domingo Perón at the political level. The triumph of Perón took place on February 24, 1946, initiating the process of political, social and economic changes.
One of the most important reforms in the political sphere was the promulgation of Law 13.010, presented on September 9, 1947 in Buenos Aires and enforced on September 27 of the same year. The derivations of said law were favorable in the female field, since it is established as an advance in obtaining equal rights between men and women.
Female participation in electoral campaigns
These articles established mandatory political work and sanctions such as being "(…) subject to a fine of fifty national currency pesos or the penalty of fifteen days of arrest at a home (…)" (Santos, 1947). All of them aimed at the women of the Argentine nation. Specified in article 1 and 5. In the same way, political rights between foreign women and Argentine women would be the same, through this, it can be difficult for foreign women to be in the same conditions as women in Argentina. A civic notebook was provided that is similar to the identity document that should be used in electoral and civil acts. In addition, it is evident that until that point in history, women were not registered as well as men, since in article 4 it is specified that female registration would be developed within the period of promulgation of Law 13.010.
Specifying that women would have, not only the right to legislate, but are also subject to sanctions for the breach of Law 13.010.
However, "not all provinces had the same behavior and did not necessarily formalize women’s suffrage through the dictation of explicit norms" (Barry, 2016). Which was a limitation for said right. At the same time, through a study of the different situations of the provinces, the Argentine government stated that the provinces appropriate its electoral laws in order not to distort the regulations that sanctioned the female vote, this in the case that:
“A woman could vote for president or vice president and national deputies and senators and could not do so for the appointment of governor and provincial legislators. Or that he could be elected deputy, but not a representative of his own district in the legislature or be president of the Republic, but not governor. […] (Barry, 2016)
Thus showing that Law 13.010 could suffer modifications at the provincial sphere, causing incomplete compliance by much of the population. Similarly, Alicia Moreau de Justo, an outstanding political fighter, opposed the promulgation of Law 13.010 and do not support the execution of the same. Action totally contrary to the five objectives written for the National Feminist Union.
Subsequently, the development of Law 13.010 had repercussions at the end of the elections held in 1951. Since the results obtained from the elections showed that "electoral participation between 1946 and 1951 goes from 81.4% to 88%" (Valobra, 2008). There are great sex differences between amounts, since, "men increase their participation to 85.7%" (Valobra, 2008). And the massive female vote becomes responsible for the general percentage increase of the elections, which was 90.1%.
In this way, changes originated by the validity of Law 13 arise.010 regarding the electoral importance of women within the Argentine nation.
The Women’s Peronist Party
The women’s Peronist Party (PPF) or female branch was an autonomous organization, but was linked to the Peronist party, which was composed only of men. This organization was in charge of Eva Perón as president and the censorship delegates, who were responsible for the organization, the dissemination of Peronism, the training and political indoctrination of women belonging to said commission. And at the same time, they taught activities that helped improve their quality and standard of living, since many women began to consider the possibility of having a better labor condition.
The hierarchy of the basic units of the PPF had “(…) a sub-delegate censorship, a secretary, a prosecretary, rented and collaborative ad honorem (…)” (Barry, 2004-2005). The sub -delegates were selected, according to requirements raised in the organization, in terms of their amount exceeded thousands, and the vast majority of them were directors of educational centers, teachers, social workers, administrative employees, etc. According to Carolina Barry, the PPF is "a political – organizational response to the development of mass policy". That is, the PPF is an organization in search of the incorporation and mobilization of social groups in order to generate a connection, under female recruitment policies.
This organization being, a consequence of woman participation in the elections, turning their political role into a factor of great importance.
Female incorporation in the lists of senators and deputies
Before Law 13 was carried out.010 women were defined as minors to men, considered an educational and economic problem. Since its production capacity was lower within a confused moral framework.
But through the Peronist movement women were empowered, and began to assume imports of importance within the political framework, "they paid special attention to social assistance, education, preparation of the electoral campaign and doctrinal training" (Barry, 2004-2005).
In addition, it was the only game of the time that included women within their candidacy lists, obtaining fifteen deputies and six senators in the 1951 elections. This mentions the consequences of Law 13.010, since the Government stated that the appropriate provinces of the laws, therefore, women were allowed to be part of the electoral lists to be elected as president and some other position of relevance within the legislative field.
conclusion
Then, it is affirmed that the promulgation of the female vote greatrelevant and important for political leaders and the time. In the same way, the female incorporation in the lists of senators and deputies, achieving the insertion of women within the political framework. The creation of the Peronist women’s party is also present, as an organization that sought the union and mobilization of the masses, that is, to the Peronist women. On the other hand, there were people against Peronism, because they pointed out as a reserved and macho movement.
III. Reflection
Through the development of this research I could realize the different difficulties facing a researcher, initially the search for reliable sources, already makes a somewhat more complex investigation. Then, we found the identification of the sources, which at first glance seems simple, but this also has a range of difficulty, since in my case I could not connect the different ideas of the value and limitations of the sources, therefore OCUPEa considerable amount of time in the development of this section. In addition, in the development or body of the research I managed to identify the sub -themes, better organizing the information of my sources. Likewise, I was able to develop the sub -themes with few obstacles, such as the appropriate quotation of the sources.
At the end, I could understand that research strengthens not only knowledge, but also the ideas or opinions that one as a reader or as a historian possesses, managing to generate criticism regarding the topics of interest.
Bibliographic references
- Barry, c. (2004-2005). Savings girls!: The role of Peronist women in the economic plan of austerity and the 2nd five -year plan. Works and communications, 30-31. Retrieved on the 9th of 2018, from http: // www.Jobs and Communications.Fahce.UNLP.Edu.ar
- Barry, c. (September 2010). The political conformation of Peronism 1945-1955, V3.N2.01, 12. (C. Barry, ed., & R. d. Ibero -American, Compiler) Buenos Aires, Argentina: National University of Tres de February (UNTREF). DOI: 10.3232/RHI.2010.
- Barry, c. (2016). Derivations of Law 13.010: Women’s political rights in the provinces. Studies, 146-161.
- CAMUFFO, m. A., & Lasso, R. (2005). The construction of a leader: Eva Perón and the female suffrage. (M. A. CAMUFFO, ed.) Buenos Aires, Argentina: University of Buenos Aires. Retrieved on November 15, 2018, from https: // www.AACADEMICA.org/000-051/280
- Perón, m. AND. (October 17, 1951). Jirones of my life: Eva Perón’s farewell speech (1951). Buenos Aires, Argentina: Argentina documents. Retrieved on November 13, 2018, from https: // elciervoherido.WordPress.com/2017/05/08/jirones-of-my-vida-discourse-of-desecid-de-eva-peron-1951/
- Retali, j. F. (2000). The change of role of women in Argentine society from obtaining the female vote. Retrieved on February 24, 2019, from Letters-Uruguay.Latino Espacio: http: // lyrics-uruguay.Space.com/aaa/fuser_jose/bio.htm
- Rinaldi, t. (August 22, 2015). (T. Rinaldi, ed.) Retrieved on November 12, 2018, again itinerary Digital Magazine of Philosophy: http: // magazines.UNNE.Edu.AR/INDEX.PHP/NIT/ARTICLE/VIEW/1705
- Santos, e. d. (September 9, 1947). Historical Archive. Peronist women, 1. (AND. d. Santos, ed., & B. p. 23, Compiler) Buenos Aires, Argentina: Latin American editor center. Retrieved on November 13, 2018, from Historical Archive: http: // archivehistorico.EDUC.ar
- Valobra, m. A. (2008). The political citizenship of women and elections in 1951. Yearbook of the Argentine History Institute, 53-89.
- from Arce, to., & Solomon, to. (2017). Flexible borders. Gender, Peronism and Political Sociability in Pergamino (Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1946-1953). History and Memory Magazine, (14), 167-203.
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