Development democracy
Introduction.
I consider that as a society we have not been responsible enough to open certain debates that are absolutely necessary. One of them is to reconsider if the nation models we currently respond are able to face the current, particularly complex problems.
Throughout history, as new technologies have developed, our behavior has evolved with them in different fields of application. However, these changes have not been reflected in the most essential of the disciplines: our socio -political actions. After two centuries, we still respond to state institutions formed in the nineteenth century, whose practices are based on the information technology of the fifteenth century: the printing press. In this context, I would like to introduce my essay.
Developing.
Consider South American democratic states: these have obviously failed to boost the growth of their respective nations, both in economic terms and in terms of human development. Generalizing, one could take the freedom to think that, especially underdeveloped countries, we have delegated many responsibilities in the State;Not only feeding inefficient states, but even worse, exercising inactive citizenship, restricts solely and exclusively to the vote. It is almost ironic the fact that such loss of individual responsibilities was accompanied by an increase in political rights;which, logically, leads us to question if societies have the ability to self-govern.
Outstanding, a peculiarity of emerging countries is that their societies are ideologically segmented, even when they respond federally to a single head of state. Thus, some independence is established between the opinion of the electorate and the actions of their representatives: the rulers become non -representative and therefore democracy becomes a fiction associated with political representation. On the other hand, only a ruler who ideologically leads his people is capable of understanding and acting in the end of his requirements.
On the other hand, there are two characteristics that cross the majority of Latin American democracies, one is the high degree of corruption that is exercised in these and another is the lack of educational quality, even when the majority of the population is literate. The lability in the aforementioned teaching leads to citizens cannot discern a convenient choice with the most primary of democratic exercises: the vote.
If the lack of education is combined with the irresponsibility of the electorate, then collectivities will be obtained to vote temporarily projectable proposals. In fact, the sentence of South American democratic states has historically been its short -term vision. Contrary to the expected one that a society should punish conformist speeches, we let ourselves be persuaded by proposals for rapid, unrealizable solutions: solutions that fail.
Said behavior, extrapolated to a nation, condemnation of failure, since in addition, we disable us to develop sustainable government policies in periods more extensive than electoral. This is where it is inevitable to consider whether in complex contexts democracy as we know today is an actor or not to improve. Democracy is defined as "a form of social organization that attributes the ownership of power to the whole citizenship". Utopically, then, democracy is a form of state organization in which collective decisions are taken by the people through representatives.
The three democratic values are debate, discussion and participation;So it would seem incoherent to use democratic systems in countries where citizens do not actively involve political aspects. In turn, it is notorious that it is difficult to ensure the legitimacy of representatives in societies characterized by great ideological diversity.
Analyze, for example, the People’s Republic of China, which presents a sustained economic growth year after year. It is the most populous country in the world and, strikingly, the economic power par excellence measured according to the purchasing power parity indicator. It is a Unipartidist nation, governed by the Communist Party, divided into five economic and administratively autonomous regions. These five regions are a consequence of a territorial division that arises so that the majority of the population of each region belongs to the same ethnic minority.
This division allows each region to be governed by a representative who understands their needs and that generates its own funds to act for the well -being of its population;These representatives elected by the headquarters of the Communist Party and not for the people. Take Greece on counterpart. Greece is a bipartisan, parliamentary and democratic country;Public opinion is mostly polarized between liberal-conservatives and socialists-democrats.
Although to a lesser extent than in the South American developing countries, the Greek economy is unstable and inflationary. In 2017, the Minister of Finance Yanis Varoufakis said that if the electorate opposed the economic measures taken by the government on duty, it would not hesitate to ignore it;which shows that democratic principles are threatened.
From the analysis of China and Greece I intend to demonstrate that progress is possible without democracy as we know it today and that if it does not evolve in order to become capable of responding to the demands of the context, it will be weakened. I do not want my position to be confused, I do not oppose democracy, but I am in favor of it and against it is eradicated, but I think we must have the ability to adapt it to the modern situation.
Conclusions.
Therefore, I feel that it is time that the inhabitants of unstable countries politically and economically question ourselves if the non -growth of the nation can be directly related to the inefficiency of our political institutions, linked to the loss of their abilities and the national strength thatThese are. If we discover that the answer is affirmative, then it will be time to analyze how to improve, within a democratic system, the effectiveness of governance. In turn, I defend that citizens must recognize our responsibility as agents of change, politically and economically active, informed and coherent. Thus, it will not only be our institutions who must progress.
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