The Speech Of The Manifesto Communist Party

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The speech of the Manifesto Communist Party


Research topic: The following investigation will try to examine and describe how and why the proposal of the Communist Party of Peru-Luminous Sandero becomes an integration option for young women unlike other political parties. In 1980, the PCP-SL began the armed struggle with the primary purpose of taking power. With such objective he used various strategies. One of the most important was the construction of a speech to integrate women in order to raise it as a key piece to promote change in social structures.

The importance of this issue lies in the need to promote reflection and memory about the stage of violence that occurred in Peru between 1980 and 2000, as well as deepening issues scarcely discussed so far. To determine what led to the ideology of the PCP-SL to call a large number of women and if it really formed a significant change in gender structures, it is essential to investigate through different sources: bibliographic texts, PCP documents-SL and Testimonies of the CVR.


Research questions: How are the stereotypes of the male and the woman restructured within this group? What is the specific use that has been given to propaganda in the construction of the PCP-SL? How does the PCP-SL represent gender stereotypes in its militants through their posters and cultural production? What type of elements in the PCP-SL subversive plan could have been understood as emancipatory for women? What was the role of popular female movement as a key element to generate a change in social structures?

Academic studies that raise women’s participation in the PCP-SL begin to develop in the early 1990s. A foundation that has served to explain the affiliation of women to the Communist Party of Peru-Luminous Sandero is that the other political parties of the time did not admit that women join them. On the one hand, different factors contributed to the PCP-SL being like a party that promised women the same roles as men, in effect creating a space of political representation for them. 

The PCP-SL not only built a speech of integration of women in order to raise it as a key piece to promote change in social structures, but in practice they offered them recognition spaces that other political parties denied them. On the other hand, even when the party did not have a gender policy committed to a genuine change in gender structures, it allowed the establishment of new female roles and a notable change in the lives of many of them.

An exceptional scenario in the political participation of women during the 1970s and 1980. It has been estimated that more than 50% of its central committee has been composed of women. Unlike this, among the main pronies and legal political parties in 1980, the three highest percentages achieved by women in management positions have been 12.5%, 9.5% and 7.7% in the National Left Union, the Peruvian APRA Party and Popular Action, respectively. 

According to this, access to PCP-SL can be seen as obtaining a recognition space, but also reflects the absence of spaces of political representation in the country. The analysis carried out by Chavez de Paz, Youth and Terrorism: Characteristics of those convicted of terrorism and other crimes, shows that 56.7% of women sentenced between 1983 and 1986 had higher education compared to 31.4% of men in that same situation, and that there was no difference between men and women in regards to the average age: 26 years. 

Both data show the coincidence of various sociocultural factors in the participation of women in the PCP-SL. From this perspective, it is essential.

Olivier Grojean states that violent conflict situations are generally conducive to the restructuring of social relations, and mainly to the renegotiation of male and female roles. It is possible to deduce that these revolutionary actions will also imply, implicitly or explicitly, the alteration of traditional gender relationships and will allow the active participation of women, inside and outside the guerrillas.

The violence that begins with the subversive actions of the PCP-SL is generated in a national and local context in which the female presence in the public space had changed quantitatively and qualitatively. Since the 1960s, female participation in education, work and to a lesser extent in politics are intensified. In the public sphere, women are present through the feminist movement, political parties and popular women’s movements.

From that same year, Augusta La Torre, second leader of the PCP-SL founds the popular female movement. This marks the principle of a type of proletarian feminism inspired by Marx, Engels, Mao and Mariátegui. The popular female movement managed to gather thousands of women at all levels of the Maoist organization, to prepare the popular war from a framework of revolutionary violence that wanted to be fought against organized violence of the State. In this context, the struggle for the emancipation of women of class struggle from the proletarian movement was inseparable.


Isabel Coral presents us with a vision of women before the armed conflict, arguing that they suffered an invisibility product of the patriarchal relations expressed in the exclusion and undervaluation of experiences, expectations, and interests of women as of their self-value -value. He mentions that the first nuclei of hikers. 

The media discourse summoned women to be part of a system that did include them, where they would be important;because the revolution was created in the field where women were poorer and more excluded and were directly affected by the inequalities that in Peru at that time they exacerbated. Therefore, the speech was attractive, because it called them to protect the future of them and their children, and because they were invited to be part of an organization where gender equality would be a reality.


  • Barrig, m. (1993). Female leadership and violence in Peru of the 90s. Debates in Sociology, 0 (18), 89–112.
  • Blondet, c., & Montero, C. (1994). The situation of women in Peru, 1980-1994. 11–243. 
  • Chávez de Paz, D. (1989). Youth and terrorism: social characteristics of those convicted of terrorism and other crimes.
  • Grojean, or. (2013). “Théorie et Construction des raptports by Genre Dans La Guérilla Kurde de Turquie.”21–35.
  • Coral, i. (1999) "Women in war: impact and answers".
  • Andreas, c. "Women at war", Washington: North American Congress On Latin America (Nacla), Report on The Americas. PERU´S SHINING PATH, Vol. 24, No. 4, December- January, 1990. 20-27.
  • González, J., & Maldonado, R. (n.d.). FARC and the Luminous PCP-Lser, the cases of Colombia and Peru.
  • Henríque, n. (2006). Gender and power issues in the armed conflict in Peru. In National Science and Technology Council (Concytec).
  • Guiné, a. (2016). War crossroads in Peruvian women: augusta la torre and the popular female movement. 
  • López, f. (2017). The speech on the emancipation of women during the internal armed conflict in Peru: Memories of women of the PCP-Light. Riva-Agüero Institute Magazine, 2 (1), 121–157.

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